Antipsychotics, originally designed to control the hallucinations and delusions seen in schizophrenia, have been expanding their domain in recent years. Nowadays, they're widely used in bipolar disorder, depression, and as a new paper reveals, increasingly in anxiety disorders as well.The authors, Comer et al, looked at the NAMCS survey, which provides yearly data on the use of medications in visits to office-based doctors across the USA.Back in 1996, just 10% of visits in which an anxiety disorder was diagnosed ended in a prescription for an antipsychotic. By 2007 it was over 20%. No atypical is licensed for use in anxiety disorders in the USA, so all of these prescriptions are off-label.Not all of these prescriptions will have been for anxiety. They may have been prescribed to treat psychosis, in people who also happened to be anxious. However, the increase was accounted for by the rise in non-psychotic patients, and there was a rise in the rate of people with only anxiety disorders.The increase was driven by the newer, "atypical" antipsychotics.Whether the modern trend for prescribing antipsychotics for anxiety is a good or a bad thing, is not for us to say. The authors discuss various concerns ranging from the side effects (obesity, diabetes and more), to the fact that there have only been a few clinical trials of these drugs in anxiety.But what's really disturbing about these results, to me, is how fast the change happened. Between 2000 and 2004, use doubled from 10% to 20% of anxiety visits. That's an astonishingly fast change in medical practice.Why? It wasn't because that period saw the publication of a load of large, well-designed clinical trials demonstrating that these drugs work wonders in anxiety disorders. It didn't.But as Comer et al put it:An increasing number of office-based psychiatrists are specializing in pharmacotherapy to the exclusion of psychotherapy. Limitations in the availability of psychosocial interventions may place heavy clinical demands on the pharmacological dimensions of mental health care for anxiety disorder patients. In other words, antipsychotics may have become popular because they're the treatment for people who can't afford anything better.These data show that antipsychotics were over twice as likely to be prescribed to African American patients; the poor i.e. patients with public health insurance; and children under 18.Comer JS, Mojtabai R, & Olfson M (2011). National Trends in the Antipsychotic Treatment of Psychiatric Outpatients With Anxiety Disorders. The American journal of psychiatry PMID: 21799067... Read more »
Comer JS, Mojtabai R, & Olfson M. (2011) National Trends in the Antipsychotic Treatment of Psychiatric Outpatients With Anxiety Disorders. The American journal of psychiatry. PMID: 21799067
The Yakut community of Eastern Siberia has gained some attention from anthropologists because it culturally stands out from other Siberian populations. Their Turkic language, unique burial practices, and horse-breeding culture is not native to Siberia. Recent genetic analysis of 58 bodies preserved in permafrost from the last five centuries and 166 current members of the [...]... Read more »
Thèves, C., Senescau, A., Vanin, S., Keyser, C., Ricaut, F., Alekseev, A., Dabernat, H., Ludes, B., Fabre, R., & Crubézy, E. (2011) Molecular Identification of Bacteria by Total Sequence Screening: Determining the Cause of Death in Ancient Human Subjects. PLoS ONE, 6(7). DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0021733
Crubézy E, Amory S, Keyser C, Bouakaze C, Bodner M, Gibert M, Röck A, Parson W, Alexeev A, & Ludes B. (2010) Human evolution in Siberia: from frozen bodies to ancient DNA. BMC evolutionary biology, 25. PMID: 20100333
My colleague Tiffiny Tung, whose courses I'll be teaching in a few short weeks at Vanderbilt while she's on leave, has a new article out today in the Journal of Anthropological Archaeology with archaeochemist Kelly Knudson called "Identifying locals, migrants, and captives in the Wari heartland." They studied the strontium ratios from 31 burials and 18 trophy heads found at the site of Conchopata in the central Peruvian Andes (600-1000 AD). Out of the 31 proper burials, they found only two with non-local strontium signatures (an adult female and an infant), but out of the 18 trophy heads, 14 of them were from somewhere outside of Conchopata. Wari iconography suggests that they raided other peoples, captured individuals, and brought them back home, to be sacrificed and made into trophies. They conclude (Tung & Knudson, 2011, p. 259):
...not only was human sacrifice part of the Wari ritual repertoire, it appears that Wari state structures were used to facilitate and promote this ritual production and destruction of human bodies and trophy heads. These acts of violence against the body were not random or unplanned. Rather, they seem to have been well orchestrated acts that brought together military elites who obtained prisoners and heads, ritual specialists with supernatural and technical skills to transform humans into trophy heads, and master artisans that could portray elaborately dressed warriors and deities with prisoners and trophy heads on large, state-produced urns.
Adult female cranium covered in cinnabar.
From the Wari site of Conchopata.
(Credit: T. Tung's webpage)
Not only do Tung and Knudson engage in an excellent discussion of violence and warfare in ancient Peru, but they lay out a new technique for analyzing strontium isotope values. Now, strontium hasn't been as widely used by bioarchaeologists as, say, carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses, which means that in most areas of the world, we don't quite understand the relationship between human strontium ratios and the strontium ratios of the local geology and water. The Peruvian Andes, though, have been very well studied compared to other parts of the world (Germany and England are other areas of pretty good coverage). Still, there are overlapping strontium ranges for different sites in Peru, meaning it can be difficult to discriminate among the homelands of the non-locals, and sometimes to even tell whether a person was non-local or local.
To deal with this, Tung and Knudson use three techniques. First, they calculate a two sigma local range from the strontium values of small animals. Second, they look at the descriptive statistics (mean, median, standard deviation, etc.) and assume that those individuals on the tail ends of the normal distribution were likely foreigners. They then calculate the mean and range of strontium isotopes based on the trimmed data (Wright, 2005). And third, the authors introduce a new technique to identify outliers, wherein they basically zoom in on the spacing of the data to find a sectioning point between locals and nonlocals. In essence, when a gap between samples (arrayed in increasing value) gets large, it's possible that the people on either side of the gap were from different places. The authors note that this technique isn't absolute and therefore can't be used in isolation.
It's interesting to see their third technique in print, as it's what I had been doing visually in my strontium data from Roman sites:
(From Killgrove 2010)
You may expect to see a range of strontium values, as people living in the same place may have used slightly different water sources and had slightly different soil contents. In the graph of my Romans, there are very clear outliers on either end of the graph. The question that Tung and Knudson try to answer with their Wari data is, How do we find the hidden variation within a large data set?
This is a question that I am quite interested in answering as well, since Roman strontium ratios are greatly affected by the fact that there was a massive and intricate aqueduct system in the city and suburbs. Importantly, the aqueducts brought low-Sr water from the Monti Simbruini to the suburbs and city of Rome, which was built on the volcanic (high-Sr) soils of the Colli Albani. When you have two major strontium sources like this, another way of finding hidden variation is to plot the strontium isotope ratios versus the inverse of the strontium concentration (Montgomery et al. 2007):
(From Killgrove 2010)
From the above graph, you can see that the outliers are still outliers (T36 and F12A). And you can see a linear relationship in Line A, which I interpret as indicative of local Roman geology, with end-members of more or less seawater (.7092) and the volcanic geology of the Colli Albani (.710). I've created a line B with only three data points, so this may not be a valid relationship (although I hope to eventually get more data), but I interpret this as showing the people who lived on low-Sr geology - which could have been people living to the east in the Monti Simbruini or could have been people who, as children, consumed the majority (at least 70%) of their water from an aqueduct that was fed by springs in the Monti Simbruini.
Tung and Knudson's article gave me a lot to think about in terms of my own research - I'm excited to look into their new technique and apply it to the Romans as I write up my Sr/O isotope migration research as a journal article. But it also got me thinking about trophy heads in the Roman world. We know the Romans did this - Cicero was quite famously beheaded and impaled on the Rostrum, in the tradition of Marius and Sulla, who displayed their dead captives in the Forum. But I don't know the whole tradition of Roman trophy heads: were they usually foreign captives, much as they were with the Wari, or were locals (aside from Cicero) also given this treatment?
K. Killgrove (2010). Migration and mobility in Imperial Rome. PhD dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
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J. Montgomery, J. Evans, & R. Cooper. (2007) Resolving archaeological populations with Sr-isotope mixing models. Applied Geochemistry, 22(7), 1502-1514. DOI: 10.1016/j.apgeochem.2007.02.009
T. Tung, & K. Knudson. (2011) Identifying locals, migrants, and captives in the Wari heartland: a bioarchaeological and biogeochemical study of human remains from Conchopata, Peru. Journal of Archaeological Anthropology, 30(3), 247-261. info:/10.1016/j.jaa.2011.06.005
Wright, L. (2005) Identifying immigrants to Tikal, Guatemala: Defining local variability in strontium isotope ratios of human tooth enamel. Journal of Archaeological Science, 32(4), 555-566. DOI: 10.1016/j.jas.2004.11.011
Ember & Ember show that the degree of sonority in a language is related to the frequency of extramarital sex in its community. Could this be linked to why smaller communities have a smaller phoneme inventory?... Read more »
EMBER, C., & EMBER, M. (2007) Climate, Econiche, and Sexuality: Influences on Sonority in Language. American Anthropologist, 109(1), 180-185. DOI: 10.1525/aa.2007.109.1.180
MUNROE, R., & FOUGHT, J. (2007) Response to Ember and Ember's “Climate, Econiche, and Sexuality: Influences on Sonority in Language”. American Anthropologist, 109(4), 784-785. DOI: 10.1525/aa.2007.109.4.784
We’ve written a fair bit about the System of Rice Intensification, or SRI, and our most recent little piece sparked what passes for a vociferous debate over at Facebook (which of course I cannot now link to). As I recall it all seemed to hinge on whether there was one SRI or several different systems, [...]... Read more »
Shepherd, C., & McWilliam, A. (2011) Ethnography, Agency, and Materiality: Anthropological * Perspectives on Rice Development in East Timor. East Asian Science, Technology and Society, 5(2), 189-215. DOI: 10.1215/18752160-1262876
In Ars Poetica (“The Art of Poetry”), the great Roman lyricist Horace counsels against using gods to resolve thorny plots. The deus ex machina is simply too tidy and unbelievable. When gods swoop in to save the day, the mundane becomes sacred. Metaphysics to the rescue.
I was reminded of Horace’s enduring wisdom by two recent [...]... Read more »
Delton AW, Krasnow MM, Cosmides L, & Tooby J. (2011) Evolution of direct reciprocity under uncertainty can explain human generosity in one-shot encounters. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. PMID: 21788489
Mathew S, & Boyd R. (2011) Punishment sustains large-scale cooperation in prestate warfare. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 108(28), 11375-80. PMID: 21670285
This new article has gained substantial attention on the interwebs, and who can blame us? After all, knights, shining armor, it's what lots of people like to pretend to be (or pretend to be rescued by, goes both ways). Picture it if you would: a damsel in distress, inches from death in the maw of [...]... Read more »
Askew, G., Formenti, F., & Minetti, A. (2011) Limitations imposed by wearing armour on Medieval soldiers' locomotor performance. Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences. DOI: 10.1098/rspb.2011.0816
The Three Stooges was the source of an ongoing controversy between my parents. My dad introduced my brother and I to their antics and would often laugh along with us as we imitated their physical hijinks in front of the TV. But, for my mom, the Stooges’ fake violence and prat falls were simply ridiculous [...]
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Van Leeuwen, E., Zimmermann, E., & Ross, M. (2010) Responding to inequities: gorillas try to maintain their competitive advantage during play fights. Biology Letters. DOI: 10.1098/rsbl.2010.0482
According to the BBC, a new study has found that northern peoples have bigger eyes - and bigger brains.Actually, the paper in question talked about eyes but didn't make much of the brain finding, which is confined to the Supplement. Nonetheless, they did find an effect on brain size too. Peoples living further from the equator have larger eye sockets and also larger total cranial capacity (brain volume), apparantly. The authors include Robin Dunbar of "Dunbar's Number" fame.Their idea is that humans evolved larger eyes because further from the equator, there's on average less light, so you need bigger eyes to collect more light and see well.They looked at 19th century skulls stored in museum collections, and measured the size of the eye sockets (orbits). They did this by filling them with a bunch of little glass balls and counting how many balls fit. They had a total of 73 "healthy adult" skulls from 12 different places, ranging from Scandinavia to Kenya.Latitude essentially meant northern-ness because only one population (Australian Aborigines) were from far south of the equator.Total brain size also increased with latitude, but eye size increased even faster, so the eye:brain ratio increased. They don't really discuss the brain size finding, except to suggest that it might be accounted for by increased visual cortex (though there's no direct evidence of that), but here it is, showing latitude vs. cranial capacity in ml.The idea that northern peoples are brainier unfortunately has a long history. For example, it's been suggested that the coldness of northern climes meant that life was harder, so people evolved to be smarter to survive.The heat of the Sahara was easy living compared to the deadly horrors of an English winter, in other words. Hmm.The idea that higher latitudes are darker, so you'd need bigger eyes, and then a bigger brain (at least the visual parts of the brain) to process what you see, is certainly more plausible than that theory. However, the data in this paper seem pretty scanty.Measuring skulls by filling them with little balls was cutting edge neuroscience in the 19th century. However, nowadays, we have MRI scanners. Although usually intended to image the brain, many MRI scans of the head also give an excellent image of the skull and eyes. Millions of people of all races get MRI scans every year.Nowadays, people have medical records, so we can tell exactly how healthy people are. The people who became these skulls in a museum were said to be healthy, but how healthy a 19th century Indian or Kenyan could hope to be, by modern standards, I'm not sure. Certainly there's an excellent chance that they were malnourished and I suspect this would make your eyes and skull smaller.Pearce, E., & Dunbar, R. (2011). Latitudinal variation in light levels drives human visual system size Biology Letters DOI: 10.1098/rsbl.2011.0570... Read more »
Pearce, E., & Dunbar, R. (2011) Latitudinal variation in light levels drives human visual system size. Biology Letters. DOI: 10.1098/rsbl.2011.0570
Even if you stay free of Alzheimer's disease, the normal aging process is fairly destructive to your brain. Neurons disappear, connections lose their strength, protein gunk builds up, and the whole brain shrinks. Areas controlling learning and memory are among the hardest hit. A new study claims that our crumbling brains aren't just a fact of normal aging. Instead, they may be unique in the animal kingdom, the result of an evolutionary bargain our species has struck.Chet Sherwood at George Washington University led the study, which put humans and captive chimpanzees of various ages through MRI scanners. The humans ranged from ages 22 to 88. Chimps were between 10 and 45 years old, because 45 years is about as long as chimps can live in the wild (more on that in a moment).In humans, the researchers found a pattern of decreasing brain volume throughout life that accelerated into old age. That pattern was missing in chimpanzees, whose brains seemed to maintain a consistent size.Chimpanzees were used because they're our closest living relatives; we've been apart for only about 6 million years of evolution. The authors reason that because chimps' brains don't shrink as they age, our own brain degeneration must be a product of our recent evolution. We've developed brains that are big and energy-hungry, and to judge from our global population size, throwing our resources into our noggins seems to have been a good evolutionary strategy.Since splitting from our ape relatives, we've also evolved longer life spans. Women, in particular, are a curiosity because they can live decades past their fertile years. Evolutionary biologists have hypothesized that keeping infertile elderly women around is no accident, because these grandmothers can bolster the success of their own genes by helping to take care of their grandchildren. The authors of the chimp study suggest that these helpful grandmothers are to blame for our degenerating brains: we've evolved long lifespans and brains that can't quite keep up.The grandmother hypothesis, though, is hard to prove. And though 45 is elderly for a chimpanzee in the wild, the authors acknowledge that chimps under medical care in captivity can live into their 60s. Is a human today who lives into her 80s, thanks to medical care and disease prevention, comparable to a chimp in the wild? Or is a human "in the wild" better represented by someone in a southern African country with a life expectancy in the 30s or 40s?If this study included chimpanzees at the true upper end of their age potential, it might provide more insight. The authors acknowledge that some previous studies have shown different results; for example, a study of brain mass that included chimpanzees up to age 59 did find some shrinkage with age.The authors assume our damaging brain decline is a byproduct of evolution, but don't ask whether it might come from extending our life spans even further than evolution intended. Some perspective might come from studying another animal that no longer lives "in the wild": domestic dogs. Wolves live six to eight years in the wild, but many kinds of pet dogs can live for twice that long.Even though they're not close to us in evolutionary terms, dogs age much like humans do. Their brains shrink in old age, especially in the prefrontal cortex and the hippocampus--the same areas that are particularly vulnerable in humans. Dogs develop cognitive problems and behavioral changes. Their brains even accumulate deposits of amyloid-beta, the protein gunk that appears in humans and is linked to Alzheimer's disease. Maybe our aging brains are not only the result of our exceptional smarts, then, but also of our domestication.Sherwood, C., Gordon, A., Allen, J., Phillips, K., Erwin, J., Hof, P., & Hopkins, W. (2011). Aging of the cerebral cortex differs between humans and chimpanzees Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1016709108... Read more »
Sherwood, C., Gordon, A., Allen, J., Phillips, K., Erwin, J., Hof, P., & Hopkins, W. (2011) Aging of the cerebral cortex differs between humans and chimpanzees. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1016709108
Daniel Tammet's second book, Embracing The Wide Sky (2009), is enthralling. In his own words, the book is "a personal and scientific exploration of how the brain works". To my great delight, I discovered that it even indirectly features my work on Siwu ideophones. In this post I set out a few things we learn from his invention of a new Siwu ideophone, pambalaa.
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Tammet, Daniel. (2009) Embracing the Wide Sky: A Tour Across the Horizons of the Mind. New York: Free Press. info:/
With Julia spending the summer and most of the fall in The Republic of Georgia, I've been thinking about various political and historical aspects of that country, and one of the things that is claimed to be true is that wine was first invented there. Recently, someone asked me (always ask the archaeologist esoteric stuff like this) where wine was first invented. And, recently, we scored some Concord Grapes, which are native to North America (presumably thanks to some bird a long time ago) as opposed to most grapes, and which provide the roots for most (nearly all?) wine grape stock. And, a paper on the genetics of wine came out recently and has been staring at me for a few weeks now. All these things together made me want to update my current knowledge of the origin of wine. Read the rest of this post... | Read the comments on this post...... Read more »
Myles, Sean, Boyko, Adam, Owens, Christopher, Brown, Patrick, Grassi, Fabrizio, Aradhya, Mallikarjuna, Prins, Bernard, Reynolds,Andy, Chia, Jer-Ming, Ware, Doreen.... (2011) Genetic structure and domestication history of the grape. PNAS. info:/
Butter Milk Creek is a Texas archaeological site and an archaeological complex located rather symbolically a couple of hundred miles downstream from the famous Clovis site in New Mexico. It is the most recently reported alleged manifestation of a "pre-Clovis" archaeological presence. The most important thing about this site is probably this: It is well dated (though the dates need to be independently verified or otherwise run through the gauntlet of criticism dates of important sites are always subjected to) and there are a lot of artifacts at the site. The importance of the number of artifacts is two-fold: It means that the site is unambiguously evidence of human activities and not of the activities of, say, a ground squirrel burrow into which a random artifact from a later time fell, and it means that researchers will be able to say something interesting about the lithic (stone tool) technology represented there.
In order to understand why a "pre-Clovis" site is interesting, one needs to understand the peculiar nature of American archaeology and its conceptions of prehistory. Read the rest of this post... | Read the comments on this post...... Read more »
Waters, M., Forman, S., Jennings, T., Nordt, L., Driese, S., Feinberg, J., Keene, J., Halligan, J., Lindquist, A., Pierson, J.... (2011) The Buttermilk Creek Complex and the Origins of Clovis at the Debra L. Friedkin Site, Texas. Science, 331(6024), 1599-1603. DOI: 10.1126/science.1201855
There’s a sign hanging in my local deli that offers customers some tips on what to expect in terms of quality and service. It reads: Your order: Can be fast and good, but it won’t be cheap. Can be fast and cheap, but it won’t be good. Can be good and cheap, but it won’t [...]
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Laudan, R. (2001) A Plea for Culinary Modernism: Why We Should Love New, Fast, Processed Food. Gastronomica, 1(1), 36-44. DOI: 10.1525/gfc.2001.1.1.36
In 2006, archaeologists exhumed the remains of the legendary 18th century castrato, Carlo Maria Broschi, better known as Farinelli. As a boy, Farinelli showed talent as an opera singer and, when their father died young, his elder brother Riccardo made the decision to have Farinelli castrated, an illegal operation at the time, in order to preserve his voice. Farinelli became quite famous by the 1720s and sang daily until his death at the age of 78. An analysis of the bones has just been published in the Journal of Anatomy by Belcastro, Fornaciari, and Mariotti, with the most salient finding being that Farinelli's castration led to hormonal changes that likely caused him to develop internal frontal hyperostosis (or hyperostosis frontalis interna, depending on what side of the Atlantic you're from), a thickening of the frontal bone in the cranial vault that is found almost exclusively in postmenopausal women.
Farinelli's bones, circled
(credit: Belcastro et al., Fig. 1)
Crush fraction of an L vert
(credit: Belcastro et al., Fig. 5)
Farinelli's bones were eventually moved to the grave of his great-niece, Maria Carlotta Pisani, and placed at her feet (see photo). The bones were unfortunately not at all well-preserved. Belcastro and colleagues could only estimate sex based on the narrow sciatic notch and the absence of a preauricular sulcus. In terms of age, they found evidence of fused cranial sutures, porosity of the auricular surface, trabecular thinning, degenerative changes in the vertebrae, and a compression fracture of one of the lumbar vertebrae, all pointing to an advanced age for this individual. Interestingly, they noticed incomplete obliteration of the epiphyseal lines on the medial border of the left scapula and the left iliac crest. While epiphyseal lines can persist into adulthood, they almost never persist past about 35 years old. Based on the length of the right ulna, they estimate his stature at 6'3". Of the 14 teeth that could be properly examined, there was evidence of caries in two, leading them to conclude he had good oral hygiene.
Thickening of Farinelli's frontal bone
(credit: Belcastro et al., Fig. 8)
When Belcastro and colleagues reconstructed some of the cranial fragments, they discovered extreme thickening of the vault (see photo), up to 21mm at the thickest. As the area around the sagittal sulcus was unaffected, the authors conclude that the thickening is internal frontal hyperostosis rather than Paget's, acromegaly, fibrous dysplasia, or meningioma. The etiology of IFH is not actually very clear, but the fact that it's found almost exclusively in post-menopausal women and men with hormonal disturbances (e.g., Klinefelter's syndrome) points to a problem with the body's hormonal balance. Belcastro and colleagues succinctly review the clinical literature on IFH in men and conclude that Farinelli's IFH is most likely related to his castration. Interestingly, castration can also explain his height (due to delayed epiphyseal fusion) and the finding of unfused epiphyses in his skeleton.
It's no secret that I am not a fan of digging up famous dead Italians, but in this case, Belcastro and colleagues have published the only osteological analysis of a castrato or eunuch. Granted, the identification of this skeleton with Farinelli is not 100% clear because of the condition of the remains, but it's reasonable to assume that they did indeed find the man.
Portrait of Farinelli
(credit: Wikimedia commons)
The question remains, though, what effect IFH would have had on Farinelli's life, or on the lives of the numerous women who are also affected by this condition? The clinical literature suggests that IFH is basically asymptomatic - because the disease has such a slow progression, over the span of decades, even the most severe cases of cranial thickening are assumed to pose no problem for the individual, whose brain can compensate little by little to the change in skull shape. A short New Scientist piece, though, quotes Israel Hershkovitz as claiming that IFH is linked to "behavioral disorders, headaches, and neurological diseases like Alzheimer's." Because of this quote, New Scientist ran with the headline "Lack of testes gave castrato superstar headaches." Belcastro and colleagues, of course, didn't say anything about headaches, but apparently New Scientist thinks that discovering osteological evidence of a hormonal imbalance in the skeleton of a castrato isn't interesting enough for their readers.
I'll have to look into the claim that IFH does produce symptoms like headaches, though, as I'm quite interested in the pathology. IFH is often not noticed in a bioarchaeological population unless the skulls are broken in just the right places. Bioarchaeologists don't tend to have enough money to xray or CT hundreds of individuals as we collect data, so I suspect that we miss quite a few ancient cases of this condition. I looked at a couple hundred skeletons from Imperial Rome and found one case of IFH (below), and I looked at a couple dozen skeletons from Gabii and found another case.
IFH in an Imperial Roman woman in her early 40s
(credit: Killgrove 2010)
A project that I would like to undertake in the future deals with understanding the lives of post-menopausal women in Rome. These women were often seen as second-class citizens, even more so than women in general, because they were past their reproductive prime. Looking at the prevalence of IFH w... Read more »
MG Belcastro, G Fornaciari, & V Mariotti. (2011) Hyperostosis frontalis interna (HFI) and castration: the case of the famous singer Farinelli (1705-1782). Journal of Anatomy. PMID: 21740437
Today's Daily Mail and Wednesday's USA Today have short articles summarizing a recently-published study by Shane McLeod, called "Warriors and women: the sex ratio of Norse migrants to eastern England up to 900 AD." It's an interesting little piece, in which McLeod takes issue with the assumption that the Viking "warriors" were only men, an assumption that has been based primarily on grave goods and our own preconceptions about men and women in antiquity. Previous research into Viking graves has resulted in estimates of 80-85% males, and this has clearly affected how scholars viewed the Vikings and their contributions, writes McLeod. It's hard to tease out McLeod's data in this paper, which was written for the journal Early Medieval Europe and is historical in bent, but he seems to have limited his sample to those burials from which sex could be estimated osteologically and which chemical analysis revealed were almost certainly Viking immigrants (Budd et al. 2003). McLeod concludes:
The reappraisal of the burial evidence for Norse migrants in eastern England up to 900 has provided a different perception of the possible numbers of Norse women involved in the early settlement period. Based on jewellery finds and the notion of an undocumented secondary migration, it has been suspected by some scholars that substantial numbers of Norse women were involved in the settlements. But there has previously been little substantive evidence to validate this claim, leading other scholars to suggest that the Norse settlers were overwhelmingly male. Although the results presented here cannot be used to determine the number of female settlers, they do suggest that the ratio of females to males may have been somewhere between a third to roughly equal. Furthermore, there is osteologically sexed burial evidence of Norse women in England during the earliest campaigning period of the great army of 865. It is possible that with further advances in science more evidence is likely to appear, providing a larger sample to work with, and enabling similar reappraisals of burial evidence from other areas of Norse settlement. The present results suggest new ways of understanding Norse migration and acculturation in late ninth-century England.
Reconstruction of a Viking boat (credit)
While I like the fact that McLeod tackles old assumptions in this short article, there are a couple worrying aspects. The part about "acculturation" is not well laid out, as McLeod and others are assuming that Viking men would have acculturated to local habits more easily with Anglo-Saxon wives, and that having Viking wives may make researchers reevaluate acculturation. Attempting to figure out biocultural relationships between two groups of people who hadn't previously met is quite difficult. Witness, as one example, the centuries of literature on "Romanization" in the provinces in the Roman Empire. Only within the last decade has there been a backlash from scholars against a far too facile understanding of the bi-directional process of culture sharing.
The other worrying part is that McLeod uses terms like "wives" and "widowed" in his paper, which makes the assumption (and conveys the idea) that the Vikings were married in the contemporary sense. I could point to the literature on the Roman army as a cautionary tale here. It had been assumed for centuries that the Roman army was only composed of men and that women and children, if they were present, lived outside the fort. Finally, new evidence is being found and old evidence is being reevaluated, suggesting previous scholars were simply seeing what they wanted to see: Roman soldiers weren't married, and women certainly didn't live in the fort, in spite of the massive amount of evidence to the contrary. My point is, without further investigation, we don't know if the Viking men and women found were spouses - Could they have been siblings or other kin? How about slaves? Could the women have been warriors themselves? I don't know anything about Viking relationships, though, so perhaps the conclusion that the Viking women were wives is valid. McLeod does note that the sample may be biased, and there may not have been a 50/50 ratio of males to females, but the Daily Mail article picked up on this concept of "wives" and pairs of Vikings.
Overall, though, a nice article. It highlights how far we've come in archaeological and historical scholarship on issues of sex, gender, and cultural biases, but also shows how far we still need to go. It demonstrates that bioarchaeological research - even quite technical papers - can be used by social scientists and humanists to support arguments and conclusions. And it lets me mention the always-brilliant work of Budd, Chenery, Montgomery, and Evans, who do amazing things with isotopes in England.
(For more, see Katy Meyers' post at Bones Don't Lie. I'm woefully behind on my news feed at the moment and just noticed her summary of the article.)
P. Budd, C. Chenery, J. Montgomery, J. Evans, & D. Powlesland (2003). Anglo-Saxon Residential Mobility at West Heslerton, North Yorkshire, UK From Combined O- and Sr-Isotope Analysis Plasma Source Mass Spectrometry: Applications and Emerging Technologies, 195-208.
S. McLeod (2011). Warriors and women: the sex ratio of Norse migrants to eastern England up to 900 AD Early Medieval Europe, 19 (3), 332-353.... Read more »
S. McLeod. (2011) Warriors and women: the sex ratio of Norse migrants to eastern England up to 900 AD. Early Medieval Europe, 19(3), 332-353. info:/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2011.00323.x
Studying ancient microbes requires creativity. Contamination and preservation are the primary problems, dealing with limited and degraded tissues. We don’t find corpses in permafrost every day! Most of the time tissue is confined to bones and mummies kept in a wide variety of environments. This post will review some of the major tools I have [...]... Read more »
Drancourt, M., & Raoult, D. (2005) Palaeomicrobiology: current issues and perspectives. Nature Reviews Microbiology, 3(1), 23-35. DOI: 10.1038/nrmicro1063
A recently published article in the Journal of Quaternary Science by Strasser and colleagues suggests new dates for stone tools discovered on the island of Crete. Namely, the artifacts are associated with geological strata that date to the late Middle Pleistocene or early Late Pleistocene, meaning a terminus ante quem of 125,000 years ago.
An archaeological survey in the Plakias area of Crete between 2008-09 uncovered nine sites and over 400 artifacts. The stone tools discovered were Acheulean in type, with bifaces, cleavers, cores, and flake tools made out of quartz, and are similar to tools found elsewhere on the Greek mainland:
Bifaces from Crete. (Credit: Strasser and colleagues 2011, Figure 2)
Through an impressive array of geological and chemical analyses (which I don't have time to delve into at the moment), the authors conclude that these tools represent the earliest known occupation of Crete, placing it at around 125,000 years ago. This date contradicts the assumption that Crete was not occupied until the advent of anatomically modern humans. According to Strasser and colleagues:
The relatively large numbers of Palaeolithic artefacts found in this one small region (∼30 km2) – the first to be searched systematically for these materials and to be subjected to geological and chronostratigraphical analyses – suggest that a hominin presence on Crete may have been widespread and perhaps long lasting. This would indicate that early hominins were able to reach Crete from Greece, Turkey, the Near East or Africa by crossing open bodies of water. Only hominins with the technical means and cognitive skills required to build boats and to navigate among the islands would have been able to establish an enduring presence on the large and difficult-to-access island of Crete.This is a really interesting finding, and I hope it's only a matter of time until archaeologists start finding hominin fossils on Crete.
T. Strasser, E. Panagopoulou, C. Runnels, P. Murray, N. Thompson, P. Karkanas, F. McCoy, & K. Wegmann (2010). Stone Age seafaring in the Mediterranean: Evidence from the Plakias region for Lower Palaeolithic and Mesolithic habitation of Crete Hesperia, 79 (2), 145-190.
T. Strasser, C. Runnels, K. Wegmann, E. Panagopoulou, F. McCoy, C. Digregorio, P. Karkanas, & N. Thompson (2011). Dating Palaeolithic sites in southwestern Crete, Greece Journal of Quaternary Science, 26 (5), 553-560. DOI: 10.1002/jqs.1482.... Read more »
T. Strasser, E. Panagopoulou, C. Runnels, P. Murray, N. Thompson, P. Karkanas, F. McCoy, & K. Wegmann. (2010) Stone Age seafaring in the Mediterranean: Evidence from the Plakias region for Lower Palaeolithic and Mesolithic habitation of Crete. Hesperia, 79(2), 145-190. info:/
T. Strasser, C. Runnels, K. Wegmann, E. Panagopoulou, F. McCoy, C. Digregorio, P. Karkanas, & N. Thompson. (2011) Dating Palaeolithic sites in southwestern Crete, Greece. Journal of Quaternary Science, 26(5), 553-560. info:/10.1002/jqs.1482
For Dr. Mick Wilkinson barefoot running has got to have sole. More than just moving joints cuz their designed to move is to consider the surface of the foot, and what it's designed to do, and how that actually also needs to inform movement - and how movement is changed because of this feedback.... Read more »
LIEBENBERG, L. (2008) The relevance of persistence hunting to human evolution. Journal of Human Evolution, 55(6), 1156-1159. DOI: 10.1016/j.jhevol.2008.07.004
Carrier, D. (1984) The Energetic Paradox of Human Running and Hominid Evolution. Current Anthropology, 25(4), 483. DOI: 10.1086/203165
Divert, C., Mornieux, G., Freychat, P., Baly, L., Mayer, F., & Belli, A. (2008) Barefoot-Shod Running Differences: Shoe or Mass Effect?. International Journal of Sports Medicine, 29(6), 512-518. DOI: 10.1055/s-2007-989233
Lieberman, D., Venkadesan, M., Werbel, W., Daoud, A., D’Andrea, S., Davis, I., Mang’Eni, R., & Pitsiladis, Y. (2010) Foot strike patterns and collision forces in habitually barefoot versus shod runners. Nature, 463(7280), 531-535. DOI: 10.1038/nature08723
Robbins SE, Gouw GJ, & Hanna AM. (1989) Running-related injury prevention through innate impact-moderating behavior. Medicine and science in sports and exercise, 21(2), 130-9. PMID: 2709977
Unfortunately, the title is not in reference to a study demonstrating that early hominids fell prey to wild dogs. But Elaine Benes would have appreciated it.
As part of my Latitudes Tour, I'm in Nairobi for a couple of days, hoping to spend some quality time with the young Australopithecus boisei kids at the Nairobi National Museum. Recall (that is, if I've mentioned it here?) that my dissertation research is on growth of the lower jaw, in Australopithecus robustus as compared to modern humans. The study of growth obviously requires analyzing individuals across different age groups (an "ontogenetic series" is the fancy term). Admittedly, then, the focus on A. robustus is chiefly because this species has the largest ontogenetic sample of any early hominid (tho at nearly 15 subadults, it's still not as large as one could hope). Also because A. robustus was totally badass.
Australopithecus boisei makes an important comparison for A. robustus, because the two species are allegedly evolutionary 'sisters' - the "robust" australopithecines (though I'm personally not convinced that these two are each other's closest relative). So their growth should be pretty similar. At the same time, though, A. boisei shows much greater adaptations to heavy chewing - they've been referred to as "hyper-robust." So comparing growth in these species should elucidate how their differences arise.
Problem is, there just aren't enough kids! It's like that song by Arcade Fire. Wood and Constantino (2007) published a pretty comprehensive review of A. boisei, including a 1.5-page table of the skulls and teeth attributed to the species. So far as I know, only 4 specimens in this table are subadult mandibles, and so far as I can tell, they're all about the same age (right around the age that the first permanent molar comes in). There are so many jaws of adult A. boisei (although many of these are abraded mandibular bodies lacking teeth) - so how can there be fewer subadults?!?!
A very preliminary observation of infant-child pairs in the two species suggests they both increase in size fairly dramatically between when they only have baby (a.k.a. "deciduous" or "milk") teeth and when the first permanent molar comes in. But this is just a preliminary observation based on 2 specimens of each species! Take with a grain of salt!
On second thought, maybe I'll propose the nearly untestable hypothesis that bone-eating hyenas ate the boisei babes, and that's why we don't have their jaws. What could have been nicely preserved subadult boisei bones are instead coprolites (fossilized poops). A little spectacular, yes, but it's also been hypothesized that many of the A. robustus fossils we know and love came to us as carnivores' scraps.
further reading:Wood, B., & Constantino, P. (2007). Paranthropus boisei: Fifty years of evidence and analysis American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 134 (S45), 106-132 DOI: 10.1002/ajpa.20732... Read more »
Wood, B., & Constantino, P. (2007) Paranthropus boisei: Fifty years of evidence and analysis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 134(S45), 106-132. DOI: 10.1002/ajpa.20732
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