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- May 10, 2010
- 11:13 AM
- 8,908 views
For the Love of the Game: A Look at Fans and Disappointment
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
What does it mean to be a baseball fan? To exchange high fives with complete strangers utterly swept away with the exhilaration of a win? To sit in your car, despondent, after a devastating loss? What is the fan’s connection to this game—billed as America’s pastime?
Before delving into this post, it’s only fair to report that I myself am a fan. So this is in part a self-reflexive exercise to... Read more »
Karl J. Franklin. (1985) Componential Analysis and the Game of Baseball. Anthropological Linguistics, 27(3), 281-301. info:/
- October 11, 2010
- 12:52 PM
- 1,615 views
What Are Those Darned Neanderthals Up to Now?
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Scene from the Neanderthal diorama at the American Museum of Natural History.
Not shown: Male Neanderthal figure holding tool.
The Neanderthal story is quickly becoming a favorite serial—who knows what new drama the day will bring! Once regarded as brutish and stupid, it was accepted that they could not compete technologically and socially with early modern human (EMH) populations and were eradicated as the latter spread throughout the globe. But in the last few years, the reputation of our Neaderthal cousins has changed. In fact, we've learned that they were surprisingly like us in many ways: they painted shells for jewelry, provided care for those in need, and had a sophisticated tool industry (see more here). Their diorama at the American Museum of Natural History shows them in a family unit. Their genome has revealed few conspicuous differences, instead demonstrating that Neanderthals may have in fact left a trace of themselves in our own genes.
The Neanderthal story stimulates the imagination because for all the similarities and newly credited skills the fact remains that they disappeared completely (in geological terms), leaving the earth to Homo sapiens. And I think part of the reason we're so intrigued is that on one level we wonder as a species whether we could disappear in the same way—gone but for a few instances in the fossil record. The Discovery Channel has done an excellent job of presenting the disaster possibilities: an asteroid could strike, global warming could do us in, the sun will eventually die, and so on. All the scenarios present events with immense environmental impact that would threaten our ability to find sustenance and cripple our overall well-being. A recent paper in Current Anthropology proposes that Neanderthals fell victim to one such devastating environmental event—volcanic activity—and illustrates the ways the fallout from the event would have made their environment inhospitable.
The skeleton called the "Ring Lady"
unearthed in Herculaneum.
Credit: Wikipedia
Neanderthals lived in Europe from about 400,000 to about 40,000 years ago. And they were used to adverse conditions: their environment was a very cold one, and may have included a severe ice age known as glacial period OIS 4. Like EMHs, they were accustomed to and could manage the climatic variables of the northern European landscape they frequented. For example, they clothed themselves against the elements. However, we know from Vesuvius that volcanic activity can present an insurmountable challenge. The charred remains of Pompeii are a testament to the speed and finality with which ash can cover the surrounding area. And ash is a troublesome thing: it spreads easily, carrying its effects far and wide. When the Eyjafjallajökull Volcano erupted earlier this year, NASA documented the spread of the ash over the Atlantic. Ash can have a cooling effect, causing crop failures and widespread famine. If it reaches the stratosphere (upper atmosphere), these effects can be prolonged as sulfur lingers in a reflective layer above the earth keeping much needed sunlight from the planet's surface (and eventually falling as acid rain as an added bonus).
Researchers Golovanova et. al. (2010) believe that Neanderthals may have been overcome by the combined effects of three successive volcanic explosions, the largest of which would have been the Campanian Ignimbrite (CI) eruption from the Phlegraean Fields in Italy:We offer the hypothesis that the Neanderthal demise occurred abruptly (on a geological timescale) at around 40,000 BP after the most powerful volcanic activity in western Eurasia during the period of Neanderthal evolutionary history. We further hypothesize that this catastrophe not only drastically destroyed the ecological niches of Neanderthal populations but also caused their mass physical depopulation in most of their habitation areas across Europe and the Near East. This loss of viable source populations may have significantly contributed to the eventual extinction of Neanderthals throughout their range (673).Using soil samples from Mezmaiskaya Cave, a well-preserved site of occupation for both Neanderthals and EMHs in the Northern Caucasus, Golovanova et. al. were able to trace periods of occupation in the area, noting significantly that activity dropped in correlation to volcanic soil layers. This information not only demonstrates when the site was being used, but also provides us with a foundation with which to understand the apparent transition from Neanderthal occupation to EMH occupation of the region.
Soil samples from Mezmaiskaya Cave have revealed two distinct layers of volcanic ash, suggesting that the ash accumulated as a result of two different eruptions—neither of which are the CI eruption:Geochemical analysis suggests that eruptions in the Elbrus volcanic province between 45,000 and 40,000 years ago are the most likely sources of the ash in later 2B-1 at Mezmaiskaya Cave ... The basaltic chemical composition of the ash in layer 1D is closer to that of volcanic rocks of Mt. Kazbek in the Central Caucasus. The explosive volcanoes of Mt. Kazbek in the Terek River upper valley are the most likely sources of the ash in layer 1D at Mezmaiskaya (660).Soil analysis also suggests climatic shifts following the volcanic events as well, with low levels of pollen concentration and little arboreal spores (660). This would have made the area unsuitable for foraging and inhospitable for any animals that frequented the area as well, which in turn resulted in diminished activity in and around Mezmaiskaya. What is interesting, however, is that activity seems to have resumed at Mezmaiskaya following the Elbrus eruption:The first volcanic eruption produced ash in the later MP [Middle Paleolithic] layer 2B-1 and essentially resulted in the deterioration of ecological conditions in the region ... The intensity of site use increased, however, during the accumulation of the upper MP layers 2A and 2 when the climate became cool and wet. Although the lithic industry changed slightly after the environmental crisis of layer 2B-1, it still remained typically MP Eastern Micoquian. Skeletal and mtDNA evidence indicates that Neanderthals produced both the earlier and the later MP industries at Mezmaiskaya (667).The Kazbek eruption proved to have been more serious. The ash layer is about 0.7 m thick, and following the eruption signs of habitation are sparse. The CI eruption fits into this puzzle because it had a widespread ... Read more »
Liubov Vitaliena Golovanova,, & Vladimir Borisovich Doronichev, Naomi Elansia Cleghorn, Marianna Alekseevna Koulkova, Tatiana Valentinovna Sapelko, M. Steven Shackley. (2010) Significance of Ecological Factors in the Middle to Upper Paleolithic Transition. Current Anthropology, 655-691. info:/10.1086/656185
- May 24, 2010
- 06:10 PM
- 1,172 views
Is a Little Bullying—Offline and Online—Good for You?
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Following my discussion on bullying and cyberbullying, the NYT featured an article discussing the ways "antagonistic relationships can often enhance social and emotional development more than they impede it." The article suggests that when someone dislikes you, "it may be adaptive to dislike them back." This two part post will explore the following questions:Are there documented benefits to
... Read more »
Dodge KA, Lansford JE, Burks VS, Bates JE, Pettit GS, Fontaine R, & Price JM. (2003) Peer rejection and social information-processing factors in the development of aggressive behavior problems in children. Child development, 74(2), 374-93. PMID: 12705561
Haselager, G., Hartup, W., Lieshout, C., & Riksen-Walraven, J. (1998) Similarities between Friends and Nonfriends in Middle Childhood. Child Development, 69(4), 1198-1208. DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8624.1998.tb06167.x
Snyder, J., Brooker, M., Patrick, M., Snyder, A., Schrepferman, L., & Stoolmiller, M. (2003) Observed Peer Victimization During Early Elementary School: Continuity, Growth, and Relation to Risk for Child Antisocial and Depressive Behavior. Child Development, 74(6), 1881-1898. DOI: 10.1046/j.1467-8624.2003.00644.x
- April 6, 2010
- 12:34 PM
- 1,147 views
RSVP—A Cultural Construct?
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
I saw this Op-Ed piece earlier this month about the decline of the RSVP, and it resonated strongly. It reminded me of my own experience last year when I organized my sister-in-law's (husband's sister) bridal shower. Apparently, I came very close to alienating the guest list, which contained mostly family members, because of the way my invitation was delivered.
The gathering was limited to "
... Read more »
Abu-Zahra, N. (1974) Material Power, Honour, Friendship, and the Etiquette of Visiting. Anthropological Quarterly, 47(1), 120. DOI: 10.2307/3317030
- September 16, 2010
- 11:11 AM
- 1,121 views
Can Peruvian Coffee Gain a Foothold at Home?
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Spurred by questions from readers, I've expanded the coffee series to include two additional posts on this caffeinated drink that will run this week. If this is your first visit to AiP, you can review our coffee discussions here. Monday's post asked, how can we explain the popularity of instant coffee in coffee producing countries? As a follow-up, today we will look at the future of Peruvian coffee among native Peruvian coffee drinkers. As always, thanks for stopping by—and for your questions!
*****
The question of what happens to local culture in the face of globalization is not a new one to anthropology. One view has held that capitalism is a great cultural steamroller, creating homogeneous responses to global markets. But our discussion last time explored an example of cultural contact in which there was a dialogue, and this represents the other side of the coin: the argument that the conditions that permit and encourage international trade, also offers a means maintaining cultural distinction and identity.
In the last post, we discussed the way Lithuania was able to wield a memory of Soviet sausage to comment on the state of their newly formed capitalist state, and create an identity for the nation—this identity seems more domestic the more I think about this issue because the identity really allowed Lithuanians to distinguish themselves from the capitalist processes that were unfolding. Remember that "Soviet" sausages were good, natural, and tasty, while Western-style sausages like salami (that lacked the tasty bits of fat Lithuanians liked) were not as popular and viewed as an inferior product in many ways. I argue that Lithuanians owned sausages in a way that allowed their preferences to hold a majority of the market against Western sausage products. Peruvians have not had a similar relationship with coffee and that has allowed foreign products to dominate general coffee consumption,
But this does not have to necessarily have to be the case. There is a chance for Peruvians to claim their coffee. It will require more than establishing a "Coffee Day." Changes will have to be made at the grower's level—which will certainly not be a simple process. But I found a great case study that suggests that getting growers involved can boost brand awareness locally.
The lives of Peruvian coffee growers and their families are not easy. Coffee growers outside of cooperatives often don't get paid very much for their product. Often they sell beans at market to a middleman, who may sell the beans again to another contact, who may then get the beans to a known roaster and wholesaler. The beans often change hands several times—and for the local grower this means low prices for his product. And that leads to other problems, like the issue of malnutrition:
The basic diet in the indigenous communities and for nearly the entire rural population is based on subsistence products like plantains, manioc and maize. Few can afford a more balanced diet, or meat and milk every day.And on the heels of this is a lack of educational resources. Schools are spread out over great distances, which makes it a hardship to attend. They are inadequately funded and are overlooked for supplies. And malnutrition keeps many students at home. So it all seems to come full circle.
These challenges are not limited to Peruvian growers. Researchers Castillo and Nigh (1998) paint a similar picture among the Mayan growers (Mam) in Chiapas, Mexico, who seem to have followed a similar path as Peruvian growers, first with cacao and then with coffee. The Mam are a Maya-speaking group that is geographically centered in Guatemala with a small group located on the Sierra Madre of Chiapas, also known as the Soconusco. Geography has played a large role in the ways the identities of these groups, which share a heritage, has unfolded. The Guatemalan Mam have been able to preserve political and religious hierarchy and Mam language thanks in part to Guatemalan indigenist practices, however, the Soconusco region has long been involved in widespread trade practices and Mexico has been unable (or unwilling?) to override this history to enact preservation measures.
The Mexican Mam have had a relationship with a commercial product in much the same way that Peruvian growers have with their product. The Mam have been working as exporters since 2000 BCE when the region was conquered by the Aztecs who mined cacao for currency. When the Spanish arrived in the 1600s, Castillo and Nigh report that the plantation systems were already in place:
Early Spanish colonists invested heavily in cacao production during the late 16th and early 17th centuries, expanding the original plantation and introducing Moorish irrigation technology ... Mam Indians probably supplied the skilled labor necessary for the cacao boom that produced some of the first Spanish fortunes in the New World (1998: 137).As a result of this history, Mexican Mam identity has long been tied to capitalist endeavors. When a worldwide depression collapsed the trade market in the 1630s, the Mexican Mam also faded from view until the 19th century when foreign investors revived the region for coffee production, the Mam (this time also including Guatemalan Mam displaced to the Soconusco by seizure of communal lands) once again provided the labor for the production of this commodity, which became a major export product for Mexico:
Thanks to Mam laborers on Soconusco plantations, their owners were able to export 227,040 quintals of coffee to Germany, the United States, England, France, Spain, and Switzerland between 1927 and 1928 (Castillo and Nigh 1998: 138).In the mid-nineteenth century, one of the outcomes of the Mexican Revolution was the redistribution of lands (ejido) to the Mam, which suggested the potential for them to grow and sell coffee for themselves, but for reasons mentioned above, this has historically made for difficult living conditions. Compounded with financial hardship, the Mam also faced systematic attempts at eradicating specific markers of their cultural identity following the Mexican Revolution. For example, Castillo and Nigh provide the following ethnographic account of the "civilization through dress" program as told by a Mam man:
I remember when the law came that prohibited our costume: they tool the weaving from the woman and the short pants from the men, and they burned them in the middle of the plaza. One old man refused; he wouldn't take off his pants, and so the policeman came and threw kerosene on him. We were all in the plaza—I was a child still. He said, "Take it off or I'll set you on fire; you're a stubborn Indian." The poor man tool off his short pants crying" (1998: 139).These types of programs continued until the 1970s, when the international community began to demand that human rights be awarded to indigenous populations. This opened the door for potential growers to receive aid in the form of "technical assistance, credit for agrochemicals, and state-supported channels for marketing" (Castillo and Nigh 1998: 139). However, this did little to change sale practices, which put individual growers at a disadvantage.
In the 80s, the Catholic Church's local cooperative commission met with Mam coffee growers, and the growers decided to form cooperatives that wouldn't rely on government assistance. Subsequent meetings resulted in the formation of the ISMAM (Indigenas de la Sierra Madre de. Motozintla) cooperative. ISMAM was founded on the basis of a shared memory of what it meant to be MAM: that the ancestors had a connection to the land, and understood how to produce high quality, natural foods. This belief is tied to the organic trade in which ISMAM has rooted itself. The cooperative purchases all the coffee produced by the growers at a set price and is the point of contact for trade with other nations. The result has been that the standard of living for MAM has risen—schools have been built, there is greater financial stability, and the people own their product.
Peruvian growers have started to move in this direction according to a few sources that I have found online (see here, here, and here). They have also come to the realization that they must join together to face the global market, and gain domestic recognition. It's not a foolproof plan: initiatives by the Pangoa Coffee Cooperative had to be abandoned when coffee prices fell in 1998.
My research has been largely documentary, and I don't have a sense for the current state of Peruvian growers (which is why I invite those with inside knowledge to share their thoughts with us), but it seems that co-ops may offer coffee a domestic foothold in places where ... Read more »
Castillo, R., & Nigh, R. (1998) Global Processes and Local Identity among Mayan Coffee Growers in Chiapas, Mexico. American Anthropologist, 100(1), 136-147. DOI: 10.1525/aa.1998.100.1.136
- November 15, 2010
- 02:00 PM
- 1,112 views
Evolving Together: Human Interference Not ALL Bad
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Is hindsight really 20/20? When we look at the past, we tend to imagine things as we wish they were, and not recall things as they actually were—nostalgia can be problematic. Romanticism of the past has given rise to ideas like the “Ruined Landscape” or “Lost Eden theory” which create pristine images of the past and argue that human activity is largely to blame for the overall degradation of landscapes. There is no denying that humans have had a lasting impact on the environment, however biologist Jacques Blondel (2006) suggests that these ideas overlook the ways human activity has actually contributed to the maintenance, diversity, and embellishment of landscapes (714). Blondel acknowledges that there is a middle ground between these ideas when it comes to the relationship we have with our landscapes—a balance must exist between resistance and resilience, between disturbance and recovery. While Blondel focuses his discussion largely on the Mediterranean, perhaps these ideas can also be applied to our own local landscapes, and help us understand how biodiversity can evolve in these circumstances.
One of the first significant marks—disturbance effects—by humans on their landscapes was likely their role in the disappearance of large land mammals:(T)here is much evidence of the direct responsibility of humans in the extinction of the ‘megafauna’ of Mediterranean islands. These island faunas included strange mammal assemblages with dwarf hippos and elephants the size of pigs. Archaeological sites in Cyprus indicate that human colonization began as early as 10,500 years ago and was soon followed by the rapid decimation of these mammals (Blondel 2006: 716).The loss of these animals had a direct consequence for the local environment: Forests and other vegetation could grow unchecked and previously open landscapes could be reclaimed over time. However, the rise of permanent settlements meant that such landscapes were not left to natural forces. The disturbance effect was compounded as humans managed these resources in the absence of large grazing animals, which of course leads us to the most “obvious consequence of human action”: deforestation.
Fossils of large mammals on display at AMNH.
In the Mediterranean at the time of Blondel’s writing, forests covered 9.4% of the Mediterranean Basin [pdf] —about 15% of the original vegetation. The rest of the land, believed to be so thick with vegetation that a “monkey could have travelled from Spain to Turkey almost without leaving the canopy,” has been “redesigned” via human intervention from about 10,000 years ago when Near and Middle East hunters began establish permanent settlements and produce their own food supply (2006: 714-715). They employed a formulaic approach to creating sustainable agro-silvio-pastoral ecosystems:Forest management through wood-cutting and coppicing, controlled burning, plant domestication, livestock husbandry, grazing and browsing, as well as water management and terracing have been for centuries the main tools for producing intermediate disturbance regimes (Blondel 2006: 716).For example, as already noted early humans may have contributed to the demise of large grazing mammals, however, the spaces these animals created by their behavior became important and necessary as humans became more settled and involved in their local environment. Fire cycles became an important means of maintaining open spaces and mosaic landscapes [pdf].
This method of clearing and shaping the landscape seems harsh and does require a steady turnover for plant and animal communities, but these sorts of changes were partially compensated for by intraspecific and interspecific adaptation in response to the changes in habitat:Cultivated plants in the Mediterranean Basic from the Neolithic onward included grain crops, fodder plants, oil-producing plants, fruit crops, vegetables, and a vast range of condiments, dyes, and tanning agents. The remarkable combination of protein-rich pulses and cereals that were domesticated in Neolithic farming villages of the Fertile Crescent, along with domesticated sheep, goats, cattle, and in some cases pigs, appears to have facilitated the rapid spread of herding and farming economies throughout the rest of the Old World. The perennial plant alfalfa, a source of fodder and green manure, apparently was also domesticated in the Middle East between 6,000 and 8,000 years ago and soon carried to all parts of the basin (Blondel 2006:717).In addition, ungulates (hoofed animals) were also domesticated, dogs took on a greater importance in providing protection, and wild boars found a niche in consuming the edible refuse produced by humans. Sheep and goats became major grazers and browsers in the area, and their popularity gave rise to several local varieties. Domesticated animals provided meat, milk, wool, opportunities for the production of tools and clothing, and assistance with labor. The picture that emerges is one where there is a dialogue of sorts between the landscape and its human inhabitants where changes build upon one another:The long-term accumulation of local differentiation during glacial times and subsequent human-induced selection processes together have resulted in the development of more than 145 varieties of domesticated bovids and 49 varieties of sheep. Over the centuries, hundreds of varieties of olives, almond, wheat, and grape, which have been selected intensively by humans, have also added to the biological diversity of the Mediterranean … human influence on population undoubtedly constituted a significant selective factor in their evolution through the process of domestication (Blondel 2006: 718).
The Mediterranean Basin showing the range of olive trees.
Credit: Velho
Blondel’s point is not to minimize or overlook the devastating effects of human disturbance events, but to draw attention to the ways in which our environment can react to us. The unique topography of the Mediterranean coupled with human efforts were factors in the evolution of plants and animals. However that is not to say that there is not a limit to the resilience in the region. Resilience—the ability of the landscape to redefine itself in terms of the changes that are occurring—is possible only as long as lasting damage is avoided:Gradual changes in land use practices, in humans’ use of chemicals or other factors, might have little effect until a threshold is reached beyond which restructuring occurs, restructuring that can be difficult to reverse (Blondel 2006: 727).Essentially, ecosystems tend toward stability cycling through positive and negative feedback from human activity. That stability is threatened permanently, resulting in badlands, once humans adopt industrial style agriculture and begin to use fertilizers and pesticides.
... Read more »
Blondel, J. (2006) The ‘Design’ of Mediterranean Landscapes: A Millennial Story of Humans and Ecological Systems during the Historic Period. Human Ecology, 34(5), 713-729. DOI: 10.1007/s10745-006-9030-4
- November 17, 2010
- 12:03 PM
- 1,106 views
Faunal Friends: Evolution and the Animal Connection
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
I’ll never forget the day S brought home a live chicken. When we lived in Queens, there were a number of fresh poultry and livestock suppliers that catered to the growing West Indian community, but there were definitely a few backyard farmers in the neighborhood. S was at a gas station when he heard a cheeping noise. He knelt down to investigate and when he straightened up, found a chick sitting on the mat in the car. “What was I supposed to do?” he asked showing me the chick. “It jumped in the car.”
His affinity with animals is nothing new. At fifteen, he nursed a pigeon back to health after setting its broken wing. During a trip to Trinidad, he befriended a bull—despite being warned away by my uncles—by sitting in the mud with it for hours and staring into its eyes. And today, we are the proud parents of two cats (we did not keep Chicken Little) who can’t seem to get enough of him. I am definitely second fiddle in their feline minds—though handy to have around when they need to be fed.
S is not alone. Pat Shipman (2010) notes the significance of pets—and animals—in our lives:In both the United States and Australia, 63% of households include pets, compared to 43% of British and 20% of Japanese households. In the United States, the proportion of households with pets is larger than those with children. (522).This relationship, dubbed the animal connection by Shipman, may have played an important role in human evolution, linking the traits that distinguish Homo sapiens from other mammals. How is it that some animals transitioned from food to friends, and what is the significance of this relationship?
The animal connection is the process by which pets or livestock become companions and/or partners, and are treated as members of the family. It refers to the intimate and reciprocal set of interactions between animals and humans starting 2.6 million years ago [mya],beginning with the use and study of animals by humans, and leading to regular social interactions. Today this is manifested in the adoption of animals (alloparenting) and the care provided to them in the course of that relationship. The roots of this relationship may be found in the development of three often recognized traits of humans: making and using tools, symbolic behavior (including language, adornment, and rituals), and domestication of other species. Shipman views the animal connection as a fourth trait, tying the other three together and having an immense effect on human evolution, genetics, and behavior (2010: 522).
Homo erectus shown with tools.
Photo taken at the American Museum
of Natural History
Though tool use has been documented in other nonhuman mammals, the manufacture and use of tools by humans is an extremely complex behavior. Modern chimpanzees are often recognized for their tool usage, but this usage varies whereas humans consistently use tools. Early humans used tools to process carcasses, and we have evidence of this from the marks left on the bones after contact with implements. Stone tools gave humans an advantage: they no longer needed to compete with other scavengers; they could hunt game on their own and/or drive off those scavengers if needed. The increased meat in the human diet meant that humans occupied a predatory niche, and as such necessarily needed to disperse so that their localities could support their needs. While Shipman makes clear that the fossil record supports that expansion of geographic range about 2 mya, the more interesting point, in my opinion, is that in seeking out live game, humans needed to learn about their prey, which opened the door for a more meaningful relationship with animals.
Wild animals are certainly able to communicate with each other, but language has thus far largely been relegated to humans due to syntax and grammar (520). Animals have alarm calls, but there are limits to what they can communicate. For instance, a monkey alerting his troupe about a snake cannot provide details about the snake: The monkey cannot say it is a brown snake. And while educated apes may have a vocabulary of about 400 words, they don’t apply syntax and grammar to those words (520). Language allows humans to share information, and we have developed delightfully complicated means of doing so:Ritual, art, ochre, and personal adornment are used to transmit information about such concepts as beliefs, group membership, or style, leaving physical manifestations visible in the archaeological record. Nothing interpreted as art, ritual, the use of ochre, or personal adornment has been reported in nonhuman mammals in the wild (521).
Depiction of prehistoric art.
Photo taken at the
National Museum of Natural History
As more sophisticated stone tools were developed, humans could pursue larger game. But this might often require collaboration, which encouraged language. Perhaps the strongest example of this is prehistoric art which depicts animals extensively, revealing morphology, coloring, behaviors, and sexual dimorphism (Shipman 2010: 524). It creates a record to be shared with others.
Domestication required humans to select for desirable behavioral traits and control the reproductive and genetic output over generations. They lived in close proximity to the animals, historically even bringing them into the home. Indeed, the physical closeness of humans to animals has allowed some infectious diseases to enter the human population from animal hosts, e.g., measles (dogs), mumps (poultry), tuberculosis (cattle), and the common cold (horses) (529). However, the benefits have outweighed the costs when it comes to keeping animals near: animals are much more than a food source. The Goyet dog is at least 17,000 years older than the next oldest domesticate (also a dog) … animals were domesticated first because their treatment was an extension of tool making (Shipman 2010: 524).Animals were domesticated as living tools! They expanded the reach of humans and made other resources more accessible. Animals could provide labor, milk, wool, and opportunities for the... Read more »
Shipman, Pat. (2010) The Animal Connection and Human Evolution. Current Anthropology, 51(4), 519-538. DOI: 10.1086/653816
- September 14, 2010
- 02:05 PM
- 1,103 views
Peruvian Coffee: Matching Consumption With Production
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Spurred by questions from readers, I've expanded the coffee series to include two additional posts on this caffeinated drink that will run this week. If this is your first visit to AiP, you can review our coffee discussions here. This post will consider the question that readers have raised: how can we explain the popularity of instant coffee in coffee producing countries? As a follow-up, on
... Read more »
Klumbyte, Neringa. (2010) The Soviet Sausage Renaissance. American Anthropologist, 112(1), 22-37. info:/
- August 19, 2010
- 11:27 AM
- 1,073 views
Unmasking Eoanthropus dawsoni, The First Englishman
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Fellow blogger and Scientope Scicurious played host to the most recent edition of The Giant’s Shoulders, a blog carnival that recognizes folks who use classic science papers in their writing. Sci put together a spectacular collection of posts based on the theme of Fools, Frauds, and Failures, and it’s certainly worth perusing.
I had high hopes for participating in this round of the carnival, but
... Read more »
MacCurdy, G. (1913) Ancestor Hunting: The Significance of the Piltdown Skull. American Anthropologist, 15(2), 248-256. DOI: 10.1525/aa.1913.15.2.02a00050
MacCurdy, G. (1914) The Man of Piltdown. American Anthropologist, 16(2), 331-336. DOI: 10.1525/aa.1914.16.2.02a00110
- July 8, 2010
- 11:32 AM
- 1,068 views
Put Down Your iPhone and Watch the Game: Notes on the Home Team Advantage
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Baseball is not golf. Yes, in both sports players attempt to hit a ball with a stick, but that's essentially where the similarities end. Baseball, unlike golf, thrives on the noisy participation of the fans. Golf asks spectators to "remain still and quiet during a player's shot [and] crowds are strongly discouraged from cheering until after a player hits the ball." Baseball will have none of
... Read more »
Greer, D. (1983) Spectator Booing and the Home Advantage: A Study of Social Influence in the Basketball Arena. Social Psychology Quarterly, 46(3), 252. DOI: 10.2307/3033796
- February 14, 2011
- 10:44 AM
- 1,055 views
Is a Kiss Ever Just a Kiss? Decoding the Art of Flirtation
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
A lingering look. A coy smile. Standing just a bit too close. An accidental brush.
Flirtation is an art. It is also a deftly employed social tool. It marks an exploratory, transformative stage—in a first meeting or an existing relationship—when interested parties look toward a tantalizingly unknown future. We flirt to establish a connection, and to gauge the interest of others in reciprocating that connection. While not all flirting is done with the aim of establishing a romantic or sexual encounter, it does help us determine the social investment potential for romantic relationships.
However, flirtation is not without challenges. Communicating and determining romantic interest in social-sexual encounters are often masked by uncertainty—which is actually a key component of flirtation. Both the message and the interpretation are intentionally vague: uncertainty serves to protect the interests and reputations of participants, and adds an element of anticipation that makes the act seem more like a game, prolonging the excitement and extending the mystery of the encounter.
Despite this uncertainty, are there universals to flirting strategies? Does a lingering glance mean the same in all social-sexual encounters? So much of flirting is dependent on non-verbal cues: a glance, a touch, a seemingly casual movement—can these actions really be interpreted differently across cultures and contexts?
Researchers have identified five distinct styles of communicating romantic interest, arguing that the ways a message is communicated is key to the way that message is interpreted (1). The styles are as follows:
Traditional: In this style, women can signal responsiveness, but men initiate contact and next steps, thereby maintaining gender roles. For example, men are expected to make the first verbal move (e.g., men request the date or offer to buy a drink). Men are expected to lead the interaction once engaged, and make requests for future engagements (2).
Women who are traditional flirts tend to be less likely to flirt with partners and to be flattered by flirting, and may report having trouble getting men to notice them in social-sexual settings. It is a bit of a cyclic effect: Women who are traditional flirts have a limited role in flirtatious encounters, and often have fewer options for attracting a partner (3). Men who fit this category tend to know their partners for longer periods of time before approaching them romantically. They often proceed slowly, developing non-romantic relationships before acting on desires. Overall, individuals who are traditional flirts are introverted and uncomfortable in social settings.
Physical: The physical style hints at sexual contact through verbal messages. This style often involves suggestive banter, and individuals are more comfortable expressing their desire and sexual interest to potential partners.
Individuals who fit this style claim to be able to detect the interest of others. They engage in private and personal conversation, which they use to establish the possibility of a relationship. Relationships generated by this style tend to develop at a faster rate, and are characterized by more sexual chemistry and emotional connection than the other styles (4).
Sincere: The sincere style is marked by a desire to create an emotional connection with a potential romantic partner. These individuals look to develop intimacy by eliciting self-disclosure and showing personal interest in a partner, however, this style is not an effective means of communicating sexual interest.
Sincere communicators view the emotional connection as tantamount to the relationship. They are more likely to approach potential partners, find flirting flattering, and to believe others are flirting with them.
Playful: These communicators view flirting as fun and not tied to relationship development. They enjoy the act itself, and will flirt even in the absence of long-term romantic prospects. Flirting is a self-esteem booster for this group.
Polite: Individuals who practice the polite style take a rule-governed and cautious approach, exhibiting no overtly sexual behaviors. Individuals characterized by this style are more likely to seek an emotional and sincere connection and less likely to be playful. The challenge of this style is that often the individual’s partner may not think he or she is interested in pursuing a romantic encounter.
These communicator styles provide some insights into how people flirt, but determining meaning, or decoding flirting is a bit more challenging. Flirting is really a context dependent event. Even with these handy communication style charted, researchers are quick to note that humans adopt the strategies that are best suited to their situation and desired level of engagement (5). As a result, the meaning behind flirtatious gestures is personal. For example:A kiss does not have any primary meaning beyond what the lovers create together, even though an outside observer might ad secondarily to those meanings on the basis of empathy, social knowledge, or memory (6).Flirtation cannot be defined in any concrete way. Meaning is derived from the sequences in the act—and every response matters. The casually draped arm along the back of the sofa can lie there meaningless until the recipient reclines into that arm. Participants have to continuously indicate interest.
Naturally, these responses may be interpreted differently in social-sexual encounters. Non-verbal cues are most effective when there is a social understanding regarding meaning, however men and women tend to interpret flirtatious behaviors differently. For example, sixty-seven percent of individuals have reported that friendly behavior on their part has been wrongly viewed as a sexual invitation, with women reporting having experienced this misperception more frequently than men (7). It seems that men, more so than women, perceive partners as being more flirtatious, more seductive, and more promiscuous. They impart greater meaning to the act of flirtation. Why?
One possible explanation may be rooted in the evolutionary history of sexual selection. It would be beneficial, and minimally costly, for a man to overestimate a woman’s sexual interest and intent. If he incorrectly deduces that she interested, he doesn’t stand to lose much. However, if he misreads her signs and misses a mating opportunity, he pays a large evolutionary price (8). I find it curious though that women don't impart as great a meaning to flirting, however. One could argue, in counterpoint to the discussion above, that women might find meaning in flirtatious acts as frequently as men do because it could hint at greater investment from a partner in the long run.
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Hall, Jeffrey A., Carter, S., Cody, M., and Albright, J. (2010) The Communication of Romantic Interest: Development of the Flirting Styles Inventory. Communication Quarterly, 58(4), 365-393. info:/10.1080/01463373.2010.524.874
La France, B., Henningsen, D., Oates, A., & Shaw, C. (2009) Social-Sexual Interactions? Meta-Analyses of Sex Differences in Perceptions of Flirtatiousness, Seductiveness, and Promiscuousness. Communication Monographs, 76(3), 263-285. DOI: 10.1080/03637750903074701
Perper, T. (2009) Will She or Won’t She: The Dynamics of Flirtation in Western Philosophy. Sexuality , 14(1), 33-43. DOI: 10.1007/s12119-009-9060-3
- July 20, 2010
- 06:23 PM
- 1,053 views
Hail Marys on the Subway
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
There is probably little that can happen on the NYC subway that would surprise commuters. My friend Wendy once saw Spiderman (his spidey-web thing must have not been working properly). What did she do? She took a picture, of course. As further proof of the unflappable nature of subway riders, let's take a look at this video:
(I'm a big fan of Improv Everywhere—their Ghostbusters mission is a
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Kiernan, J.P. (1977) Public Transport and Private Risk: Zionism and the Black Commuter in South Africa. Journal of Anthropological Research, 33(2), 214-226. info:/
- July 22, 2010
- 12:30 PM
- 1,031 views
Why Do Some Like It Hot?
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Why do some like what hot? Well, peanuts, of course. What did you think I was talking about? Peanuts, and really, all sorts of spicy foods. Why do some people like and prefer spicy foods to the point where they consume mouth scorching dishes—and ask for more? This was the question posed to me by a coworker recently, as he reached helplessly for the can of spicy peanuts sitting in the communal
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Rozin, P. (1997) Why We Eat What We Eat, and Why We Worry about It. Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 50(5), 26. DOI: 10.2307/3824612
- May 11, 2011
- 09:15 AM
- 1,029 views
Unraveling The Fear o' the Jolly Roger
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Calico Jack Rackham's Jolly Roger.
Blackbeard's Jolly Roger.
Walter Kennedy's Jolly Roger.
Emanuel Wynn's Jolly Roger.
Above: A sampling of pirate flags.
The NYTimes recently explored the "pirate brand" by tracing the emergence of the skull and crossbones—the Jolly Roger—as a symbol of terror on the high seas. The Times hails the ominous design as a magnificent exercise in collective hybrid branding, noting that economics drove pirates to adopt a version of this particular symbol to facilitate their intent to plunder. It's a fascinating discussion on the efficiency and power that good branding can deliver, but it overlooks the ways in which the power of the symbol as we recognize it draws in part in the acceptance and manipulation of the image by others.
Piracy has likely long been a feature of the open seas, following the earliest trade routes of the Aegean and Mediterranean. Cilicians were active in the Mediterranean and tolerated by the Roman Empire for the slaves they provided, and were only reigned in when they gained such a presence as to become a threat to the Empire's grain supply in 67 BCE. The Senate approved "a comprehensive and systematic strategy and an astutely humane policy to the vanquished" to eliminate the Cilicians within a matter of months (1). Despite this historical legacy, the familiar skull and crossbones that many of us associate with piracy is a recent development, emerging in the late 17th-century with the rise of the pirates of the Caribbean.
Following the discovery of the New World, the Caribbean quickly gained status as a center of trade with sugar, gold, and human capital flowing between the Old and New Worlds. The Spanish dominated the landscape but other colonial powers soon followed. Pirates, many of whom were drawn to the trade because it offered a chance to make a sustainable wage, found the waters of the Caribbean particularly attractive: largely unsettled, they would not be bothered by governing bodies; there were plenty of safe, natural harbors; and many opportunities to liberate spoils from the trade vessels of the Spanish (2). Tensions between Old World powers were not limited to their respective shores—traces of these conflicts echoed in the Western colonies, and the English, Dutch, and French sanctioned piracy—commissioning them as privateers—as a means of protecting their claims and controlling the goods in the region. These men were national heroes: defenders of the nation on the high seas. Their numbers included Francis Drake and Henry Morgan—hailed as Gentlemen of the seas.
Pirates have a bloodthirsty and lawless reputation. They're known for walking the plank, copious alcohol consumption, and lascivious tendencies, but these were skilled men drawn from maritime trades which had paid them poorly:Merchant seamen got a hard, close look at death: disease and accidents were commonplace in their occupation, rations were often meager, and discipline was brutal. Each ship was "a little kingdom" whose captain held a near-absolute power which he often abused (3).
Some pirates had served in the navy where conditions aboard ship were no less harsh. Food supplies often ran short, wages were low, mortality was high, discipline severe, and desertion consequently chronic (4). While privateers often had better food and pay and shorter shifts, the long arm of the law was sometimes unforgiving and held them to strict standards. Pirates who seemed to have no loyalties to man or country were able to set their own terms, albeit under the guise of crime. These seafaring groups were far from disorganized—they operated under strict codes of conduct that reflected a highly organized social order governing authority, distribution of plunder, and discipline. For example, spoils were systematically distributed:Captain and quartermaster received between one and one-half and two shares; gunners, boatswains, mates, carpenters, and doctors, one and one-quarter or one and one-half; all others got one share each (5).The Captain served at the mercy of the crew, and could be removed from his position for acts of cowardice, cruelty, or failure to act in the best interest of the crew. A council governed the crew, representing the highest authority aboard the ship. In many ways this order was necessary to the survival of piracy. This group knew that they were operating on borrowed time and on the edge of the hangman's noose. Though they could be commissioned, if caught by an opposing party, they faced death. The literally needed to hang together, or could find themselves hanging separately, which bred a sense of fraternity that spread among pirates and manifested in cooperative tendencies at sea and in port. In this context, flags emerged as identifiers:In April 1719, when Howell Davis and crew sailed into the Sierra Leone River, the pirates captained by Thomas Cocklyn were wary until they saw on the approaching ship "her Black flag," then "immediately they were easy in their minds, and a little time after" the crews "saluted one another with their Cannon (6).Though conflict between pirate bands was not unheard of, the groups were largely cooperative, even across national boundaries. And they would defend each other. For example, when survivors of the wrecked Whidah were jailed in 1717, pirates "acquired" a ship captain, whom they told "if the Prisoners Suffered they would Kill every Body [the pirates] took belonging to New England" (7).
A version of the Jo... Read more »
Anderson, JL. (1995) Piracy and World History: An Economic Perspective on Maritime History. Journal of World History, 6(2), 175-199. info:/
Burgess Jr., D. (2009) Piracy in the Public Sphere: The Henry Every Trials and the Battle for Meaning in Seventeenth‐Century Print Culture. Journal of British Studies, 48(4), 887-913. DOI: 10.1086/603599
Rediker, M. (1981) "Under the Banner of King Death": The Social World of Anglo-American Pirates, 1716 to 1726. The William and Mary Quarterly, 38(2), 203-227. DOI: 10.2307/1918775
- June 7, 2011
- 12:15 PM
- 1,028 views
"What Have I Done?"—The Nature of Regret
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
We've all been there—the "Oh, [expletive]" moment. Perhaps the door just shut and your keys are still sitting on the counter. Or you get to the subway/bus stop just as your mass transit mode of choice is pulling away. Perhaps you've left your wallet at home, and there are blue lights flashing in your rear view mirror. Or maybe your expletive moment is a bit darker: a broken promise, a hurt friend, or a damaged relationship through some fault of your own. After all, regret is all about you and what you could have done differently. It can certainly vary in intensity, but we've all been there a time or two. Regret is a hard emotion to avoid. It is a curious emotion—a mixture of disappointment, shame, sadness, and self blame, and it can be both a hindrance and provide a much needed push in the face of opportunity. Does the experience of regret serve a purpose? Is it a necessary element of sociality?
One researcher suggests that there are two main forms of regret (1). The first is a "hot emotion" that carries a blow. For example, it's what you feel when you suffer a loss because you didn't follow instructions or seek guidance. It's the punch to the diaphragm as you think about the things you could have done differently, or that sinking feeling of despair as you're confronted with disappointment. The second is a form of wistful thinking. "If only" fills this category: If only I had taken the time to check where my keys were or if only I had walked away from that argument. Common to both forms is a sense that something could have been done differently. That is the nature of regret: the belief that a negative outcome is the result of one's own actions, and could have been avoided if one had taken an alternative path (2, 3).
The role of regret in decision-making is twofold. On one hand, it can be limiting. We tend to overgeneralize negative results, and so it may be that one poor choice can prevent you from taking any action that remotely resembles the regrettable course (4). For example, you may refrain from giving advice if your suggestion doesn't go as planned. Or you may stop purchasing a particular brand if you have problems with one of their products. Or you may avoid a particular topic if others seemed to have responded poorly to those ideas in the past. In this context, regret can easily become consuming. That is, the individual can be so focused on what he did wrong and what he would do differently, that it immobilizes him, rendering him incapable of accepting and resolving the situation. On the other hand, it can make us more attuned to missed opportunities. For example, if you paid more for something because the sale expired as you waited to see if the price would drop further, you may be less inclined to wait going forward. Or if you realize that you should have spoken up to prevent a friend from being hurt, you may decide to speak up sooner if it means saving a friendship.
Regret seems to operate as a social gauge. It may serve as a flag that a transgression has occurred that would not be acceptable on a continued basis. If this is indeed the case, then it may be possible to conceive of regret as a form of social apology, particularly if the regret is public—that is, if the regret is the result of an act that makes you look badly or lose status or standing, then regret may be a form of "remedial self-preservation" (5). In accepting blame for the event, the actor vilifies himself:Apologies split the self into two parts, a "bad" self that is vilified for the incident and a "good" self that proclaims a recognition of the misconduct and extends a promise (often implicit) of more acceptable behavior in the future (6).In this regard, regret is a personal assessment of perceived external judgment. It cannot be assigned, like blame. Regret is something we take upon ourselves. And the human tendency is to assume the worst: "People routinely overestimate the emotional impact of negative events ranging from professional failures and romantic breakups to electoral losses, sports defeats, and medical setbacks" (7). So we ultimately determine what to regret and what not to regret. If regret is consuming, is it because we allow it to be so?
Perhaps then regret stems from a conflict between this assessment and the true desires of the individual. It is possible to want something that society tells you is inappropriate—of course, we've moved beyond the regret of forgotten keys at this point, but regret truly does seem to exist on a sliding scale. More than just wistful thinking, which is a past-oriented perspective, regret may very much be rooted in the present in a sense of futility—firmly ensconced in the inability to pursue that which you desire most for whatever reason.
What are your thoughts on this emotion? Is it better to take a chance and pursue what you desire? Or should we wrestle with regret?
Cited:Gilbert DT, Morewedge CK, Risen JL, & Wilson TD (2004). Looking Forward to Looking Backward: The Misprediction of Regret. Psychological science, 15 (5), 346-50 PMID: 15102146
John Sabini and Maury Silver (2005). Why Emotion Names and Experiences Don't Neatly Pair Psychological Inquiry, 16 (1), 1-10
Schlenker, Barry, & Darby, Bruce (1981). The Use of Apologies in Social Predicaments. Social Psychology Quarterly, 44 (3), 271-278 DOI: 10.2307/3033840
Notes:1. Sabini and Silver (2005): 9. 2. Gilbert et. al. (2004): 346.3. Sabini: 7.4. Gilbert: 346. 5. Schlenker and Darby 1981: 271. 6. Schlenker and Darby: 272.7. Gilbert: 346.
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Gilbert DT, Morewedge CK, Risen JL, & Wilson TD. (2004) Looking Forward to Looking Backward: The Misprediction of Regret. Psychological science, 15(5), 346-50. PMID: 15102146
John Sabini and Maury Silver. (2005) Why Emotion Names and Experiences Don't Neatly Pair. Psychological Inquiry, 16(1), 1-10. info:/
Schlenker, Barry, & Darby, Bruce. (1981) The Use of Apologies in Social Predicaments. Social Psychology Quarterly, 44(3), 271-278. DOI: 10.2307/3033840
- September 2, 2010
- 04:23 PM
- 1,027 views
Baseball Fans Behaving Badly
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
So it's done. I've accepted it. There will be no playoff entry for the Mets this year—something that was evident earlier in the year, but the motto of this team is "Ya gotta believe." So you know, I had to believe. Am I disappointed? Yes. What fan wouldn't be? Am I surprised? No. What Mets fan would be? Does it mean that I won't be there come spring anxiously awaiting the crack of the bat?
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Brearley M. (2000) Teams: lessons from the world of sport. BMJ (Clinical research ed.), 321(7269), 1141-3. PMID: 11061741
- July 7, 2010
- 11:25 AM
- 1,025 views
The Virtual Experience of Time: VR and Online Games
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
In an earlier post, I explored the conflicts that can result from an attempt to compress time and space (e.g., jet lag). The question I left you with, Readers, was whether the physical and social ripples that result from navigating space-time compression can be minimized online? Recently, I suggested that the Internet may be a timeless state. But does this argument hold in virtual reality? Once
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Murray, C., & Sixsmith, J. (1999) The Corporeal Body in Virtual Reality. Ethos, 27(3), 315-343. DOI: 10.1525/eth.1999.27.3.315
- April 26, 2011
- 10:29 AM
- 1,014 views
Nail Polish and the Policing of Gender Norms
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Over the weekend, I stopped in at a large beauty retailer to pick up a few things. While waiting in line to pay for my selections, I took the opportunity to browse the abundant and strategically placed impulse items—mirrors, tweezers, creams, and nail polishes, all artfully arranged to catch the eyes of patrons. Spotting a lilac colored bottle of polish, I flipped it over to read the name: Iris I Was Thinner. It went back on the shelf. Immediately. Flirty, flippant names are common to nail polishes, but I really didn't need a color that essentially told me (and others) that I needed to drop a few pounds. As the cashier rang up my purchases, it occurred to me that I shouldn't be surprised. After all, we're a society concerned with preserving the normative categories of gender, which means, of course, that 5-year-old boys should not paint their toes pink (though perhaps blue is acceptable), and girls and women should wish they were thinner.
Recently, a friend bought a gladiator's outfit for her not quite 2-year-old daughter. She reported that the saleswoman had been perplexed that she was not buying the outfit for a son and that she did not want the goddess costume instead for her daughter. Boys are soldiers, and girls are goddesses. Boys play with trucks, while girls have tea parties. Boys don't paint their nails or wear makeup (we'll pretend that some male performers are born with eyeliner and black nails), but girls can—and once they're women, they can also worry about their weight, whether they're too assertive in the workplace, and whether they're bad moms because they work. For many people these ideas touch on the core of the gender divide, as is reflected in the recent kerfluffle caused by a J.Crew ad featuring creative director Jenna Lyons and her 5-year-old, pink-toenailed son as yet another example of the ways the social order helps shape the expectations associated with gender.
Makeup allows the user to construct a persona. In the 19th-century, the majority of women who used makeup were actresses and prostitutes—painted ladies, whom most middle-class women were hesitant to be compared to. Makeup had no place in the construction of a "True Woman," defined as:
an emotional delicate creature, deeply devoted to marriage, motherhood, and God. As both the moral and spiritual guardian of her family, she was expected to set an example for her husband and children and establish a loving, stable environment in the home (1).
Vintage ad, 1947. Source: Perfect Balance Marketing
This ideology begins to change in the early 20th-century with the rise of actress endorsements of beauty practices (not products). Beauty manufacturers began to push the idea women could be beautiful if they chose—specifically, they could acquire beauty through purchases, which was a departure from the idea that beauty was tied to morality:
Ironically, whereas nineteenth-century writers emphasized the importance of seeing true beauty in the homeliest of women, twentieth-century beauty culturists argued that the homeliest of women need not be homely anymore (2).The use of makeup to enhance or to create ideas of beauty is not a new one, but this particular shift explicitly creates markers for beauty: This allows products to"talk" to consumers: glossy hair, natural looks, softer skin, pinker cheeks, longer lashes—female consumers begin to be told what constitutes beautiful, which leads us today to Iris I Was Thinner.
But this shift also adds an element to gender roles as well: not only was the right to be beautiful within reach, but women had the responsibility of being beautiful as well—there was no reason not to access beauty if it was available (3). Nail polish becomes a tool by which the gender ideal is attained. For boys to use nail polish challenges the tool, the power ascribed to it, and the result (achieving "femaleness") itself. And this, of course, makes certain media outlets uncomfortable, causing them to call in an expert to discuss the promotion of transgendered individuals and what this means for the future of our children. (Cue Helen Lovejoy?)
These practices become so ingrained over time that we don't think about the pink hat we put on girls, but pause before doing the same for a boy. But these practices are constructed, and can be undone. Pink was once a popular color for baby boys, linked to the color red which was used in church (blue was linked to the Virgin Mary and was thus a feminine color).The rise of subcultures that frequently make use of makeup, including nail polishes, to define identity may ultimately taper these sorts of responses. Until then, little brothers may have to endure the beauty experiments of big sisters quietly.
Notes:
1. Schweitzer, Marlis (2005). "The Mad Search for Beauty": 262.
2. Schweitzer 2005: 280.
3. Schweitzer 2005: 280.
Cited:Schweitzer, Marlis. (2005). "The Mad Search for Beauty": Actresses' Testimonials, the Cosmetics Industry, and the Democratization of Beauty. The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, 4 (3), 255-292
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Schweitzer, Marlis. (2005) "The Mad Search for Beauty": Actresses' Testimonials, the Cosmetics Industry, and the Democratization of Beauty. The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, 4(3), 255-292. info:/
- March 28, 2011
- 12:39 PM
- 1,007 views
Does Cooperation Really Make It Happen?
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
Above: Jim Henson's Anything Muppets sing "Street Garden Cooperation."
What didn’t Sesame Street teach us? Working together (sometimes) makes things go easier—whether you're a part of a group of Muppets who want a community garden, or perhaps hunter-gatherers managing your existence. Humans are the only species to cooperate to the degree that we do, and this cooperation may have allowed for many other derived social traits related to group living to emerge, including generosity, sharing, teaching and learning, and shared intentionality. But how and why did cooperation emerge in the first place? A recent paper in Science by Hill, Walker, and colleagues investigates cooperation in the course of human social and cultural evolution by looking to contemporary hunter-gatherer groups for some of the answers.
Hunter-gatherer societies have long been present in human history. These groups are not static kin-based societies: ethnographic analysis by Hill et. al. show significant and varying shifts in residence patterns, with both male and female dispersal to other groups. The researchers present these findings to counter previously held assertions about the nature of group membership in hunter-gatherer societies:Traditionally, anthropologists have suggested that hunter-gatherer co-residence is almost entirely bases on kinship [e.g., (15, 16)], and evolutionary psychologists have embraces this idea in order to develop "mismatch hypotheses" about cooperation among non-kin in modern societies (17) (1). While John Hawks correctly notes that the definition of "traditionally" may be a bit specific in this case, the implications are interesting for social learning.
Alternative models of residence suggest that group benefits may favor non-kin associations. For example, several unaffiliated males between groups linked via the same female could experience decreased hostilities, open cross group visitation, and overall increased interaction between unrelated parties. Larger and more diverse group membership increases opportunities for introducing innovations and preserving these new ideas across generations:When people reside together, they have frequent opportunities to observe innovations, evaluate their success, and imitate traits judged most successful or common. Our analyses suggest that the increased network size that follows a unique shit in ancestral human residential structure may have left to greater exposure to novel ideas worth copying, and may explain why humans, but not other animals, evolved costly social learning mechanisms (such as high-fidelity over-imitation or conformity-biased transmission) that may have resolved in cumulative cultural evolution (21) (2).It seems that cooperation is the glue that binds societies together—or tears them apart if revolutions are properly understood. Cooperation then is not the byproduct of contact, but a necessary element to human sociality and relationships. However, we all know that cooperative efforts are far from perfect—too much depends on individual personalities and aspirations. Anyone who has attempted to get a work team to to a shared goal has surely experienced this first hand. That is not to say that there are not obviously differing priorities between corporate groups and hunter-gatherers, but the idea that individual personalities need to be managed should not be overlooked. While brief mention is made in the introductory remarks that "norm violators are punished," this paper would have been strengthened with a discussion on how non-cooperative group members are dealt with in these sorts of societies.
In their conclusions, the researchers also briefly touch upon a nagging point that lingered from the onset: the degree to which modern hunter-gatherer societies are related to ancestral groups is complex. We know that cultural contact changes these groups radically, and that for many, their traditions are fading fast or being transformed into theater for tourism groups. The authors acknowledge that:Without causal models of residential association that consider the impacts of technology, warfare, cooperative hunting, territorial inheritance, depletion, and demographic crashes, we should be cautious about the use of specific modern groups as analogs for past patterns (3).Still, they believe that the ethnographic account is robust enough to support their conclusions regarding the development of social structure in relation to cooperation. While we may never know the degree that cooperative tendencies have been impacted by modern contact—even if that contact is simply an awareness of an other—we do know that behaviors change over time as social dynamics shift. While it does seem that cooperation is necessary for group stability, it is unclear what factors decide which behaviors are adopted and which discarded. The correlation between group size and knowledge retention suggests a complex relationship that is not fully explained by cooperation—nonetheless, understanding how the dispersal of kin can impact group dynamics is certainly important in understanding how networks develop.
Cited:Hill, K., Walker, R., Bozicevic, M., Eder, J., Headland, T., Hewlett, B., Hurtado, A., Marlowe, F., Wiessner, P., & Wood, B. (2011). Co-Residence Patterns in Hunter-Gatherer Societies Show Unique Human Social Structure Science, 331 (6022), 1286-1289 DOI: 10.1126/science.1199071
HT: Thanks much to Philip Melton (@PEMelton) for sharing this paper and its supplements!
Notes:1. Hill, Walker, et. al. (2011): 1286.2. Hill: 12883. Hill: 1288
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Hill, K., Walker, R., Bozicevic, M., Eder, J., Headland, T., Hewlett, B., Hurtado, A., Marlowe, F., Wiessner, P., & Wood, B. (2011) Co-Residence Patterns in Hunter-Gatherer Societies Show Unique Human Social Structure. Science, 331(6022), 1286-1289. DOI: 10.1126/science.1199071
- October 25, 2010
- 12:50 PM
- 1,006 views
Anatomy of a Superstition: When Your Eye "Jumps"
by Krystal D'Costa in Anthropology in Practice
The eye sees all, and can possibly warn
of danger in Trinidadian folklore.
Credit: Wikipedia
Trinidadians have a rich collection of superstitions, many of which found their way to the island via colonialism. These beliefs reflect the ways ideas and explanations have been blended here—and elsewhere—in the face of globalization. There is one, however, that I have grown up with that seems unique to Trinidadians. It concerns an involuntary eye spasm known colloquially as when your eye "jumps." The superstition has multiple parts and meanings depending on which eye is affected:If your right eye jumps, you are going to hear good news. If your left eye jumps, you are going to hear bad news (Roberts 1927: 161).
If your right eye jumps, someone is speaking well of you. If your left eye jumps, someone is saying bad things about you.* (If you think of the name of people you know, when you name the right person—who is speaking badly about you—your eye will stop jumping) (Robert 1927: 161)
If your right eye jumps, you'll see someone you haven't seen in a long time.
If your left eye jumps, a loved one/friend is doing something behind your back.
If your left eye jumps, a love one/friend may be in trouble.
*There seems to be some confusion with this particular version of the superstition since I have also seen/heard it reverse (i.e., right eye = someone speaking ill of you). It is included here in the parallel form to match the other suggestions.
There are additional variations to this theme, but all emphasize the dichotomy between the left and right eye in relation to bad versus good events. The eye has long figured in superstitious lore—for example, the idea of the "evil eye" may date to 600 BC, and since this only marks documented reference to the belief, it may in fact be older than that. As a source of vision, awareness, and knowledge, it is no surprise that beliefs relating to the eye tend to suggest a forewarning.
Superstitions are often met with a certain degree of scorn. Rational folks are often quick to dismiss them. But still they lurk in the background until the opportunity arrives when they can suggest a potential "What if?" Historically, when discussing superstitions scholars (e.g., Matthews 1945; Roberts 1927) have categorized them as "primitive" beliefs of "simple" people, and overlooked the insights they may offer on the way people view the world. While many superstitions have religious or supernatural undertones, many others offer interesting observations on life in a particular location. And if you dig deep enough, there are sometimes suggestive details that can explain why some superstitions persist.
For example, in a collection of West Indian beliefs and superstitions Basil Matthews (1945) discusses the Caniteel in Trinidad: a particular hour on a particular day between July 15th and August 15th during which any plants planted will fail to grow (141). No one knows for sure when the day or the hour actually occurs. What they do know is that generally what happens is that during this period worms eat the heart of the plant. Trinidadian farmers view this period as a bad time. Many avoid planting on July 15th, and then plant on alternate days hoping to avoid the Caniteel. Some avoid planting altogether during this period. The farmers have connected a real event (the activity of the worms) with a superstition (don't plant, this period is bad).
The same may be the case for eye jumping. The phenomena is largely harmless, but appears to be poorly understood by science. It is officially classified as benign essential blepharospasm (BEB), a phenomenon that can be disruptive in severe cases causing functional blindness:The condition is progressive with the early symptoms being irritation and discomfort in the eyelids causing an increase in the blink rate, which can progress over time to frequent, forceful involuntary and uncontrollable closure of the eyelids (Kowal et. al. 1998: 123).The condition is idiographic, but researchers believe that it may be linked in part to fatigue, stress, eyestrain, and/or caffeine (Robb-Nicholson 2010: 8). In a health column in the Harvard Women's Health Watch, Dr. Celeste Robb-Nicholson advises a writer of ways to cope with "eyelid twitching":There are several things you can do to ease the spasms. Close the eye and apply a warm compress—or try pulling gently on the lid. Get more sleep, and reduce your caffeine and alcohol intake. If the twitching occurs while you're reading or using a computer, relax your eyes occasionally by focusing on something in the distance. If your eyes are dry or irritated, use lubricant eyedrops (8).Even in the less severe form, eye jumping can still be disruptive (or at the very least, irritating), marked by a fluttering sensation in the eyelid, twitching of the eye, or the repeated closing and reopening of the eyelid. And it can last anywhere from minutes to hours or can occur intermittently over the course of several days. Perhaps its disruptiveness has contributed to its role in superstition. Let's consider the following:Eye jumping may be caused by stress in some form.
Because it is disruptive, it is memorable.
When a negative or otherwise anticipated event occurs following an eye jumping episode, it can be easily connected to eye jumping because the phenomenon sticks in the mind of the afflicted.
Since Trinidadians appear to follow the traditional notions of right = good, left = bad, it may be that they are selecting events following experiences of stress that match the eye afflicted by BEB. So for example, if they are anticipating speaking to a relative who has missed a telephone call, the anticipation may turn to worry and as a result experience BEB as a stress response. When the relative finally calls, the afflicted person may recall that their eye jumped and connect the two. This may also explain the fluidity between assigning events to the eyes. While Trinis largely follow the right/left dichotomy, they have been known to blur the line and simply say "My eye was jumping." It may also be that events that can be tied to the afflicted eye are more readily remembered. Similar to the Caniteel, Trinidadians have connected a real event (BEB) with a superstition (the eye afflicted by BEB can predict or warn of events).
Superstitions, however you view them, can be a source of comfort. They offer a way to take control of a situation and in this case to reaffirm ties—note that the eye jumping superstition is connected to loved ones. They can become deeply ingrained. When my eye jumps, I'm inclined to tell myself quite seriously to just "quit it." Meaning, quit worrying about it. I know that my stress levels are generally elevated when my eye jumps, but invariably, when the phenomenon persists, it opens the door for "What if." The event in itself also adds to my stress levels, creating a nagging sensation of worry that I refuse to openly acknowledge but seem to acknowledge in small ways. For example, my behavior changes slightly. I might call loved ones more frequently. And if I happen to learn of an event that occurred to one of them in this period, I find myself wondering about which eye the was afflicted. Superstitions are persistent. It's one of the reasons they've survived time and travel.
Do you have a family superstition that crops up from time to time? Something your grandmother or mother said or did continuously? Something that you yourself came to believe for no explicable reason? With Halloween just around the corner, let's open the vaults and see what's lurking in the shadows of our minds.
Cited: ... Read more »
Kowal L, Davies R, & Kiely PM. (1998) Facial muscle spasms: an Australian study. Australian and New Zealand journal of ophthalmology, 26(2), 123-8. PMID: 9630292
Matthews, B. (1945) West Indian Beliefs and Superstitions. The American Catholic Sociological Review, 6(3), 139. DOI: 10.2307/3707527
Robb-Nicholson C. (2010) By the way, doctor. From time to time, my eyelids twitch. What causes this, and is there anything I can do about it?. Harvard women's health watch, 17(9), 8. PMID: 20597142
Roberts, H. (1927) Louisiana Superstitions. The Journal of American Folklore, 40(156), 144. DOI: 10.2307/534893
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